The year 2015 has been a historic one for Canadian politics. As a result of one of the longest Canadians elections in history, all three major party leaders had ample amount of time to illustrate their vision for Canada through their policies and beliefs. In Peter Loewen’s, What Canadians Know About the Ideology of Stephen Harper, Justin Trudeau, and Tom Mulcair, he describes ideology as a means of governance that each leader believes would be in the best interest for Canadians. He goes to show how these respective ideologies guide the policies that each leader campaigns on. Creating hegemony through this campaigning which ultimately reflects the outcome of the elections. The several policies presented by Trudeau, Harper, and Mulcair offer …show more content…
Harper’s ideology lies in the belief that the most effective way to govern is by promoting certain behaviors through financial incentives. He seems to propose multiple social-conservative policies advantaging a particular category of Canadians, the traditional two-parent families. His policies such as “income splitting, home renovations, child-based transfers, increased tax-free savings accounts” have fundamental dogmas that preserving traditional beliefs to “at least marginally advantage stable, two-parent families” is most fitting for the prosperity of Canadians. Trudeau carries out a more progressive agenda, focusing on benefiting those who need it the most. He has a slightly different approach to governance, as he believes that “the best thing government can do is not design service-based programs but instead give money to those in need”. To express his philosophy he introduces policies that gear towards allocating benefits according to “the number of children in a family and income”. Trudeau’s ideology contrasts Harper’s in the sense that Trudeau believes giving generous benefits to Canadians who need it is more practical than universal benefits to all families, even the stable ones. Mulcair’s ideology differs significantly from the other two leaders due to his slight, left-winged, socialist approach. He proposes a “large-scale subsidized day …show more content…
The leaders construct their party’s platform in an attempt to target a particular class. As per Loewen’s article, Harper targets the stable two-parent family; Trudeau focuses predominantly on the middle-class, likewise with Mulcair whose social policies also seem to appeal to low-class families as well as the middle-class. These policies aim to not only benefit the specific class but also manipulate subordinate classes to accept the ideology as ordinary and reasonable. In the article From Culture to Hegemony, by Dick Hebdige, he affirms, “the term hegemony refers to a situation in which a provisional alliance of certain social groups can exert “total social authority” over other subordinate groups, […] by “winning and shaping consent so that the power of the dominant classes appears both legitimate and natural”. In this case, the leaders can be referred to as the “social authority” that pursue to market their differing visions to the general public, hoping they accept the policies as a social norm and most effective for the betterment of Canada. This acceptance essentially becomes the “consent” by most subordinate groups, which approve the leader’s ideology as the appropriate economic or social “status quo”. Creating this hegemony amongst voters and Canadians allows them to accept the ideology as not
Trudeau was strongly devoted to a strain of individualism based on the Catholic principle of personalism and was committed to human rights. He condemned the character of nationalism and argued in favour of federalism as the ultimate form of organization. The strength of Trudeau’s personality and his determination to transform Canada lead him to defend a ‘rational messianism” founded on the idea that Canada had the moral responsibility to defeat Quebec nationalism (Monsterrat, 36) .Many Anglophone Canadians greeted Trudeau’s proposals of a new pan-Canadian identity that would strengthen Canadian unity. Trudeau offered a new image of Canada at a time when British connection had weakened as a result of the disassembly of the British Empire.
For example, in order to win provincial elections in Alberta, a politician’s main focus are the big cities, Edmonton and Calgary, and perhaps a few smaller cities, but since the values and needs of Albertans, to a certain extent, tend to be similar throughout the province, the party running for office does not need to worry about pleasing everybody’s need. Also, both the Liberals and the Conservatives aim to grow the Canadian economy. Both the Conservatives and the Liberals aim to expand the economy through the creation of jobs, the investment in research and development and providing opportunities and training in trades. However, even though some of the ways by which both parties attempt to achieve the growth of the economy are similar, there are also some differences. For example, the conservatives aimed to give reduce the GST in order to allow citizens keep money in their pocket and to help them adjust to the rising costs of
idea of turning Canada back to its original roots. He compares Harper's government system with Pierre Trudeau’s. Arguing about the struggles and failures of
What most surprised me this week was just how similar, by the 1980s, the Progressive-Conservatives and the Liberals when it came to government policy. It is also an interesting commentary on the historical narrative when comparing how Pierre Trudeau and Brian Mulroney in contemporary historiography.
If the New Democratic Party gains power, they are going to make the health care in Canada better for citizens. Health care is definitely a very important factor in keeping everyone in Canada happy and healthy. Without healthcare, we will get sick more frequently, and not going to regular checkups will make diseases more likely to affect us negatively. The NDP is proposing to end the fees for ambulance services. This will make people more likely to call an ambulance instead of taking a chance of driving themselves. This could save lives because ambulances are much faster than driving yourself in a car because people are required by law to move out of the way of an incoming ambulance on the road. The NDP is saying to give seniors the support they need to live in their own homes instead of being forced to move to an old age home when they get to old to care for themselves or when loved ones and family can no longer care for them. If they get support in their homes, they will not need to go through the stress of moving to a different environment in their late age. If they reduce their stress to as little as possible, they will be more prone to a longer life span. The NDP is promising a fifty percent increase in the number of doctors and nurses being trained each year, so that there is more available in hospitals and emergency
In recent elections, the separatist parties in Quebec have seen crushing defeats, raising questions about their relevance in modern day Canada. Support for Quebec separatism has diminished in the past several decades, with the rise of the NDP in the 2011 federal election and the more recent provincial Liberal victory in April of 2014. In the 2011 federal election, specifically, the Bloc Quebecois was reduced to only four seats in the House of Commons, while the NDP took the majority of Quebec’s seats. The provincial Parti Quebecois (PQ) has also been faltering, losing more often than not to the Liberal Party of Quebec (PLQ). Indeed, over the past decade, the PLQ has only lost one election, and has held majorities in many. The most recent election put them back into power after a short PQ minority government that began in 2012. These recent elections may point to a future in which the separatist movement in Quebec may be silenced. Since the late 1950s, the question of Quebec separatism has existed, with levels of support varying throughout the following decades, leading up the referendums of 1980 and 1995. The defeats suffered by the separatist parties in recent elections demonstrate that the separatist movement may be close to being over in Quebec.
Another attack at the French Canadian heritage came in the form Pierre Trudeau's 'Just Society' ideology. Trudeau had promised René Levesque that that separate nationwide referendums in order to amend both, the Constitution, and the Charter of Rights and Freedoms8. However, Trudeau went back on his word to Levesque, and decided to make amendments with the other provinces without the input of Quebec9. Through the personal actions of Trudeau towards Quebec, he made a very unjust decision, as he did not keep his initial promise to Levesque, in which he said he would discuss amendments with Levesque as well. By creating several agreements with the other provinces, ensuring a majority over Quebec, he displayed the traits of an unjust society. Trudeau`s poor decision came at the expense of French Canadian heritage, as their needs were not met. In conclusion, the threat to French Canadian heritage played an important role in the needs of French Canadians not being met.
The Liberals have a strong belief in vaccination in order to protect citizens from preventable diseases (such as measles). They also support the legalization of marijuana as well as the process of abortion, as well as having prescription drugs be covered by the universal healthcare system of Canada. The liberals believe in free choice in healthcare and support abortions as well as euthanasia.
With his announcement on August 2, 2015 Prime Minister Stephen Harper set in motion a 78-day election campaign, one of the longest and quite possibly the most expensive in Canadian history (Maloney, 2015). The structural constraints posed by the first-past-the-post electoral system, and the institutional constraints of the parliamentary system and campaign spending legislation were all potentially beneficial to Harper and the Conservative Party, but his underestimation of strategic voting and the power of social media, combined with his use of polarising debates and the decision of many popular incumbent Tory MP’s not to run, led to his party’s downfall and the creation of a Liberal majority government. This essay delves deeper into the factors behind the Conservative Party’s loss in the October 2015 Canadian election, in an attempt to understand why they were unable to secure a fourth mandate and come out first-past-the-other parties.
The 1990’s in Canada proved to be a relatively quiet and peaceful time in Canadian History. With this era, came the new, or sometimes already known, historical figures to shape the economy, government and the well being of the people during the time. From 1993-2003 came the rule of Prime Minister Jean Chretien, a leader from who was born in the small town of Shawinigan, Quebec. He proved to be a strong leader with his determination and strive to be “‘“a fighter. He must win.’” as his friend Jean Pelletier described him (Bothwell, Marshall & Koch, 2015). Under him, came Paul Martin who after rivaling against him in the fight for liberal leadership, was appointed Finance minister. He too seemed to have quite the influence of the people and proved
How can the Canadian government be dominated by one ruler when it has democratic elections with many competing parties? Mellon believes that Canadian elections have low voter turnouts and even lower public interest. Canadian elections are essentially sporadic. Finally, Mellon also believes that prime ministers “…are supported by a growing circle of advisors, pollsters, and spin doctors that help protect their position,” (Hugh 175). The main focus of Mellon’s argument is this idea of a prime-ministerial government.
During the twentieth century, Canada as a nation witnessed and endured several historical events that have had a deep and profound influence on Canadian politics. The most influential and constant force in twentieth century Canadian politics has been the increasing power and command of Quebec nationalism and the influence it has had on Canadian politics today. Quebec nationalism has shaped the structure and dynamics of Canadian federalism from a centralized to a decentralized form of federal government (Beland and Lecours 2010, 423). The decentralization of several sectors within the Canadian government has been a direct effect of Quebec nationalism. Decentralization has led to more autonomy among the provincial governments, especially in
Carty and Cross (2010) characterize institutions who carry out “electoral pragmatism”, one such tenet, as those who are “consumed with winning and holding office, and they combine an organizational ruthlessness marked by a propensity to abandon losing leaders, with an ideological catholicity that engenders great policy flexibility” (Carty and Cross 2010, 3). This trait has not been sufficiently showcased during the preceding months of the 2015 election, with Prime Minister Stephen Harper being retained by the party, even in the face of the aforementioned stagnation in the polls and the failure to clearly distinguish itself in the polls against the opposition parties; doing so at an opportune time, such as the party’s upward trend in April 2015 which culminated in a polling percentage of 36%, might have allowed for a notion of “insurance” to prevent the NDP from overtaking the party in the current polling consensus. Harper’s longevity can be seen as a legitimate consequence of the centrality with which his office dictates all procedures
Canadian Political Culture, in a nation- state context, can be break down as beliefs and attitudes that Canadian have of political objects( Jackson, Politics in Canada.1994).
Canada has been an independent nation for over 150 years, so it makes sense that there has been numerous changes in the government, since the government has to reflect its society, and as time changes so does its government. However, some ideologies do not believe it should change in order to keep up with its time. Oxford Dictionary states that the definition of an ideology is “A system of ideas and ideals, especially one which forms the basis of economic or political theory and policy.” There are various forms of political ideologies; conservatism and liberalism are being brought up for discussion about what makes conservatives and liberals so different in Canada. Throughout the years, the Canadian government has rotated between liberalism and conservatism, these ideologies share some similarities; however, it can be argued that the significant differences are their political, social, and economic views.