his thesis will examine the role of the Gaelic Athletic Association (GAA) in Dublin during the 1916 Easter Rising and the impact the Easter Rising had on the GAA in Dublin after April 1916.
The purpose of this thesis is to examine the background of the GAA in Dublin from it's formation in 1886 up to 1914, including the nationalit aspect of the Association at that time. The formation of the Irish Volunteers will also be examined in great detail, as will the involvement of the members of the GAA in Dublin in the Great War. The central part of the thesis will be the 1916 Easter Rising and the involvement of the members of the GAA in Dublin in the insurrection. The official reaction of the GAA to the Easter Rising and the growth of Dublin GAA after April 1916 will prove how the GAA in Dublin changed following the insurrection.
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Debates from the House of Commons1, newspapers such as the Irish Independent, the Gaelic Athlete, the Dublin Daily Express and the Times will be important for obtaining not only the national view within Ireland but across the United Kingdom. Minutes from the meetings of Dublin GAA as well as the GAA's Central Council will play an integral role in this thesis as they will give an insight into the GAA in Dublin as well as nationally and from these a greater understanding of the views of the members of the GAA at that time will be available. The Bureau of Military History (B.M.H)2 which will be accessed online as well as biographries such as those of Frank Henderson3 and Harry Boland4 will provide a greater insight into those who took part in the
Is there a specific image which can be attributed to the Troubles in Northern Ireland during the late 1960s and 1970s? The poet Seamus Heaney answers that there is one particular image and it is the image of a ‘bog’. In this essay, it shall examine as to why Seamus Heaney has used the imagery of the bog as a symbol so that it can illustrate the political and also the religious troubles of Northern Ireland during the late 1960s and 1970s. In addition, it shall employ the use of four of Seamus Heaney’s poems: “Bogland’; “The Tollund Man”; “Requiem of the Croppies” and The Grauballe Man” to demonstrate as to how the use of the bog is truly an excellent symbol for the depiction of Northern Ireland’s ‘Troubles’.
The conflict in Northern Ireland has persisted because of religious affiliations, their identities and the struggle for overall power. The morals and identities of the people and organizations of Northern Ireland
Clearly, a large portion of the turmoil experienced during this type could be put down to the changing government of the period. Though democratically elected and in more direct control of the Irish nation, the Home Rule government what the Irish called the Free State in its first years was not as responsive to the people as some desired (Ferriter, n.d.). An effective civil service providing for many needs was set up, but the ruling party and government experienced internal strife over significant differences of opinion throughout this decade (Ferriter, n.d.). The government was a democracy, but a very young democracy, and with all of the problems that this youth entails in a newly freed and democratically empowered nation and population.
This book basically analyzes the aspects of whether or not Ireland is a colony, and it also describes its political as well as the culture of its people. Terence McDonough denotes in his introduction that the colonial experience of Ireland cannot be assumed in the development of a complete understanding of the nineteenth century. From McDonough’s point of view, the reluctance of not taking the colonial status into concern is in part due to the influence of Northern Irish conflicts and the need for historical help and comfort of the affected ones during the era. If the nineteenth century Ireland is not recognized
The End of Hidden Ireland by Robert James Scally is a unique case study of something entirely not unique: the lives of the poorest peasants of Ireland before and during the Great Famine. The story of Ballykilcline, a small townland in County Roscommon, is unique because of how they handled their imminent eviction off the land, and how they worked together as a community to try and survive. Yet, that closeness, as Scally will prove, is the very thing that kept the community (and doubtlessly, other townland communities) homogenous and isolated, and therefore unable to understand themselves. This is a marked departure from Daniel Corkery’s work, The Hidden Ireland, which insists the culture was prevalent all along but was never understood by historians.
Identity is pivotal to the story and holds its own innate power, but what is even more pivotal is that the Irish do not necessarily all share the same views. The Irish find their history very important because it is the foundation of the language. Hugh says, “It is not the literal past, the ‘facts’ of history, that shape us, but images of the past embodied in language” (88). It is evident then that Hugh finds the historical meanings of
The presence of alcohol fosters an environment that augments the schism between Leopold Bloom and the national identity of Ireland by highlighting the disconnect in the cultural identities and the political values between Bloom and the nation’s people.
Throughout my research into the subject of the Irish in England's industrial north during the early nineteenth century, one fact became quite clear; contemporary writers' treatment of the Irish was both minimal and negative. I consulted many sources, Friedrich Engels, Leon Faucher, James Kay-Shuttleworth to name but a few and the reoccurring theme as pertaining to the Irish in all these works was mainly consistent; the Irish were a lazy, vulgar people prone to drinking and brawling.
The times of The Great War were never pleasant for families caught up it’s effects. Most were the hardest times of peoples lives. The world around them changed in many aspects. Those of us fortunate enough to only experience these times through books and stories of survivors past are often curious to learn more. For those familiar with Bolger, he has throughout his career written about aspects of Irish reality which many would rather forget. With this Bolger has contributed to the beginning richer, version of Ireland’s recent past.
He found a land in which law and order was breaking down in the rural areas. After attempts to solve the problem by setting up a Peace Preservation Force in 1814 and later a system of county constabularies under the Constabulary Act of 1822, a single police force, The Constabulary of Ireland, was established in 1836. The Constabulary of Ireland was a trained and disciplined force under the central control of the government administration at Dublin Castle. It represented a fresh start in policing and members served under a strict code, which governed all aspects of their lives, on and off duty. Elaborate precautions were taken to ensure that its members displayed strict impartiality at all times. The Constabulary of Ireland carried out a full range of policing tasks, but it’s most important task was that of security, due to the ever-present threat of nationalist insurrection. Due to this it was organized as a colonial constabulary and as an armed, quasi-military force, rather than along the lines of other conventional police forces in the British Isles. It says, “The "Garda Síochána na hÉireann" (in English -
The primary task for the Blacks and Tans was to make Ireland “Hell for the Rebels to live in.” It was reported that over 8000 black and tans had gone to Ireland, and while it was problematic to survive with the men who used the classical guerrilla style tactics against them, for those who
The Irish had suffered long before in the hands of the English when Cromwell had been in control and had taken away land held by the catholic majority of the country to members of the protestant minority. This created a large tension among the population with the oppressed majority and the rather entitled minority who by Trevelyan’s snooty tone did indeed see themselves as the superior people in the country. (Trevelyan’s tone is probably the most dismissive when in discussion of the Irish, mayhaps showing his own true dislike.) (Trevelyan, p. 116-
While the texts in question approach similar subject areas and have similarities in their approach, they do differ in historiographical angles. This is due to the time period that the texts discuss – rather than being associated with historical trends about continuity and change, or being an arbitrary choice, the Irish Revolution is a relatively new period of interest that is still heavily relevant to the understanding of the divisions in Irish society today. Bielenberg’s article focuses more on the economic factors that led to Protestants migrating, whereas Hart focuses on the social impact of violence and sectarianism that was embedded through religion to explain the causes of migration. The biggest justification for the different conclusions
Michael Collins played a major part in Ireland’s History, in the years 1916-23. He had a short but political life where he had increasingly been involved in events such as the Easter Rising, Anglo-Irish War, Treaty Negotiations and the Civil War. Although he was only active over a relatively short period of time, his significance in such events was profound. His public image changed throughout the years, from one of the UKs most wanted men to a reasonable politician. In 1916 during the Easter Rising his role was relatively low key, but by 1922 he ultimately gave his life in the Civil War for what he believed in.
At the time of publication, 1916, Ireland had seen events such as The 'Easter Rising ' in which Catholics rebelled against the British and the Protestants in a bid for independence. This mix of both the need for Independence and religious extremism are elements that we see portratyed through Stephen. Knowing this information we can see that Joyce portrays not only his own struggles with religion and independence using this method but also the conflict found